Future quantified, New New Orleans: Part 2, prognosis

March 28, 2006 | Uncategorized

[Continued from yesterday’s Part 1.]

 

As explained in yesterday’s post, the Rand quantitative study is intended not to editorialize but simply to estimate:

The new RAND study provides the most detailed estimates to date of the likely rate at which residents may return to New Orleans. It was prepared at the request of the Bring New Orleans Back Commission

(Which, as far as I can tell, chose to ignore both its prophecies and their implications.)

Laocoon

“Thanks for your report, fellas.”

 

… and is designed to help government officials plan the city’s rebuilding.

Rand approached the problem not via people’s desires but through property imperatives: how badly damaged was the city, and what does that damage imply for recovery? They started, as one must, with the rising water:

Rand_figure_3.1_flood-depth
Where the water went.

From this, and based on interviews, the Rand authors estimated property damage using a simple but logical categorization algorithm:

Rand_table_2.1_floodwater

Houses drown slowly based on submergence.

Using this proxy, the authors then projected a census of the damage, block by block, with water depths derived from satellite photographs:

Rand_table_3.1_pop_and_housing

28% of households were largely dry; 55% were very wet.

Anecdotes speak to our emotions, but statistics are more representative: 52% of Old New Orleans‘ inhabitants had their homes under more than four feet of water for days if not weeks.

Rand then built a very straightforward reconstruction model (page 23):

1. Zero damage, immediate reoccupancy

2. Minor damage, +6-12 months

3. Serious damage intended to be repaired, +6-12 months for assessment, +0-36 months reconstruction.

4. Serious damage not intended to be repaired, not replaced.

New_orleans_damaged_house

This would have been considered ’serious damage.’

They reached these model assumptions based on their assessment of people’s behavior:

We see several scenarios whereby people with habitable homes choose not to return to them ….

1. Perceived cutbacks in service, such as health care and public safety.

2. Unemployed individuals [a large fraction in Old New Orleans — Ed.] who have found employment or more favorable living conditions outside the parish.

 

The authors footnote that as of December 2005, two-thirds of all Katrina evacuees that had not returned were already employed.

3. Lack of adequate schools.

4. Impoverished individuals who were evacuated to distant locations and who may find it difficult to return.

 

The authors also footnote that:

 

Poorer people tended to be evacuated to more distant locations in the wake of Katrina. More than 26% of Katrina evacuees who had yet not returned home were classified as unemployed compared with a national unemployment rate of 4.7%.

It’s worth noting that the authors omitted the following additional potential drivers:

5. Homeowners who find they can build a better house with insurance proceeds.

6. Those who, having moved, prefer their new location.

7. Renters whose original apartment is gone and whose owner is demotivated to rebuild.

 

To this last point, the authors observe how homeownership further changes behavior:

Nearly half of the housing units in New Orleans were rental; relative to homeowners and those with mortgages, we expect that these people are substantially less likely to return to their original residences if the units were damaged or if they evacuated to another location.

This is worth flagging.

Signal_flags

Get the message?

Whereas home restoration is a one-entity decision (the homeowner), to restore a rental apartment requires two decisions: that of the tenant to move home, and that of the owner to rebuild.

 

(Rental apartments are financially more complex than owned homes, a concept I’ll develop in future posts.)

Many rental landlords will be uninterested in rebuilding (better economics not to rebuild) or unable to do so:

 

The study also says that a significant number of the homes located in federally designated flood zones were not covered by insurance, suggesting a need to review federal programs and guidelines.

Beyond the pure economics, a homeowner has an emotional investment in his home; an investing landlord does not, instead bowing to the law of economic gravity:

 

In addition, many of those with insurance were inadequately covered, and so may find it difficult to rebuild – particularly in light of rising construction costs and stricter new building codes.

Concrete is up 2.5% since Katrina; Wallboard and gypsum are up 5.5%. (Page 22)

What happens, therefore, is that economics and human behavior perform their own triage, as the report shows four different recovery curves based on housing habitability:

Rand_figure_3.4_results_of_sensitivity

(Note vertical scales are different.)

The water decided which homes can recover and which cannot.

I doubt New New Orleans will disappear as a viable city — although it could — but I find persuasive the authors’ statistics and slide show of its rebirth:

Rand_figure_3.3a_0512

New Orleans, December, 2005

Rand_figure_3.3b_0603

New Orleans, March, 2006

Rand_figure_3.3c_0609

New Orleans, September, 2006

Rand_figure_3.3d_0809

New Orleans, September, 2008

With that as the prognosis, is there a viable prescription?

[Concludes tomorrow in Part 3.]

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